With the advent of Brexit in the UK, and the rise on the one hand of national populism (combined with demagoguery) and on the other hand liberal cosmopolitanism in America, libertarianism could be basking in the glory of its own radical praxis. It could advocate for economic and political decentralisation, for political pluralism and for the development of truly freed markets which limit the effects of capital accumulation and rentierism. They could be showing the world examples of stateless and quasi-stateless societies that have existed for millennia, or simply demonstrating the multitude of free market systems that exist within the cracks of modern state capitalism. Fortunately there are some that actually do this. However the majority seem more interested in defending corporate largesse, intellectual property and the plethora of phony free trade agreements that abound. Continue reading →

The modern economy is stuck in a major rut. Productivity gains have not matched wage inflation, and productivity itself is relatively stagnant, particularly in the UK. Job provision is being increasingly concentrated in low-pay sectors, with temporary work and part-time contracts creating a modern precariat of working class individuals, students and other members of a general lumpenproletariat. Mechanisation and technology gains are captured by capitalist interests through IP rights and state-funding of corporate research, meaning that increasingly people are not just being made precarious, but are simply losing their jobs as well as any state-support. Such an existence is both undesirable and extremely distressing. Rather than markets freeing entrepreneurial spirits and creating a class of Konkinite contractors, free from the vagaries of state-capitalism, they have been wrought by the demands of that system and have created what I’ve described. Continue reading →

The major migration concepts which were defined in my recent paper An Unchallenged Arbiter have come under question. In particular, the concepts of xeno-racism, bonding and bridging capital, and the general framework of an Eriksen-defined multiculturalism have been questioned as a form of statist or academic leftism. I think it’s fair to clear up these definitions for greater clarity, and to frame them within my wider critiques of statism. Continue reading →

The capitalist market system is defined by the strictures of wage labour relations and the regulatory mechanisms, which are the used for the valorisation of capital and the commodity production which maintains, expands and homogenises this valorisation. These are the inevitable products of capitalist exchange relations and the creation of a general equivalence in which generic commodities, produced by capital through the wage labour relation, are circulated. For the purpose of these exchanges (some of which maintain the manufacturing and production bases of the classes of capital, and others which engender the final movement of commodities into their form as consumables) markets are used as mechanisms of distribution and sale.

In this essay I look at how the British state engenders unnatural inclusion and exclusion of migrants and asylum seekers through theoretical definitions, xeno-racist policies and entry barriers to socio-economic realms of life which limit the capacity of these groups to integrate and participate in civil society. Rather than looking at the framework of migration and inclusion through the lens of either settled populaces and their feelings of racism or through the blaming of migrants for not integrating, I want to see how state policies allow for such narratives to expand which limit the development of both bonding and bridging capital, and, when pushed through certain defined variants of community, create the kind of conditions seen in Sighthill, Glasgow. This then breeds misconceptions about migration, and means the fragmentation of communities among settled populaces and migrant networks. Continue reading →

The constant need to define one’s philosophical and ideological beliefs through a convenient form of superstructure is something that can be found amongst all philosophies. The multiple libertarian ideologies are no different in this regard. Whether it be anarchism, left-libertarianism, classical liberalism or any other clique, fad or ism, they all share a common vapidity and a petty tribalism, which rather than allowing for a fluid, pluralistic movement which is open and understanding, prefers exclusiveness and minoritarianism. Continue reading →

Recently libertarians have been determined to conceive their opinions as comparable to modern neoliberalism. Within neoliberalism they see a generally free market system which is raising living standards in the developing world and progressing all of society forward. As Sam Bowman states in his article on neoliberalism, neoliberals believe in the power of markets to efficiently allocate resources, take a consequentialist view on the appropriateness and applicability of particular political systems and governance structures, and have a positive view of redistribution to correct any market misdistribution. Continue reading →

Democracy was seen as the great leveller of society, removing ancient hierarchies which supposedly entrenched poverty and made men lesser to others due to birth or rank. With one man, one vote, all of the population could have a say in the distribution of wealth, and thus limit the power of the vested interests and the landed aristocracy. When combined with the great public work of universal state-based education, a whole raft of intelligent voters would descend upon nations, changing their economic and political courses to new horizons. Such were the prophecies of democracy. Continue reading →

Both sides of the EU referendum debate made a mockery of public discourse and intelligent political engagement. They relied on sloganeering, character assassination and the inflating of ridiculous forecasts to suggest either utopia or dystopia. Even now, two months after the vote to leave, these petty debates rage on, with both sides accused of lying through their teeth (and rightfully so). Continue reading →

Anarchism is a broad and deep ideology with huge historical roots and much investigation and conceptualisation which has fleshed out many interlocking theories and systems of power. It has a large range of intelligent thinkers behind it, ranging from Proudhon and Kropotkin through to Rothbard, Carson and Hoppe. However, it has never truly caught on from outside its theoretical abstractions, remaining on the fringes of both political ideology as well as political reality. Continue reading →