Empowering the Narrative: Pax Judaica and Control of the Public Sphere

The great othering of the multicultural project, to instantiate an abstract post-national identity upon primarily White Anglo-Saxon and European populations, alongside the growth of security-technological complexes through public intelligence agencies and private tech fiefdoms, are two of the main threads of the postmodern political condition. The end of spatial limits and the rewriting of national geographies and demographics, a globalised end to the partitioning of identities through borders or ethnicity.

“The divisions within the capitalist classes in the 20th century were between the national plutocratic industrial capitalists and national technocratic managerial capitalists, with the national financial capitalists aligned with the latter. In the 21st century, it’s between the global finance capitalists and the global digital capitalists”[1]. To add to that, there is a growing but unformed mass of nationalist resentment across countries with high historical levels of immigration whose political elites are primarily global in character. Trumpism and other forms of autocratic statism form a halfway house between a national resurgence and a global corporatism – maintaining a base of popular resentment through theatrics like ICE while simultaneously constructing an oligarchical system of wealth transfers to benefit tech billionaires.

Threads of postmodern politics cannot be disconnected from the emerging forms of capital that predominate. Pax Americana has evolved from the industrial leviathan of the post-war era to a debt-ridden financial and trade monopolist. The primary means of innovation are concentrated in the tech fiefdoms whose proprietary empires encompass data security, communications, spyware and surveillance, and logistical organisation. They are plugged into the intelligence agencies and wider security state as an infrastructural adjunct to military conflicts and diplomacy (through the American military’s use of Amazon Web Services and Palantir technology to state investments in tech start-ups through In-Q-Tel and deep connections to Israeli intelligence through Unit 8200). Otherwise, it is the development of modern day trusts in BlackRock and Vanguard who are cannibalising the remaining forms of asset ownership – homes, stocks and bonds.

Pax Americana is transforming to fit the global age, despite the desire of Trump supporters to return to a 19^th century populism. This is easily evident in Trump’s flip-flopping on immigration, suggesting immigrants in work shouldn’t be deported and limiting the effect of deportations on construction and agricultural workforces. The ICE theatre has been a power play to gauge the extent of executive power vis-à-vis states. Meaningfully reducing immigration and reversing demographic replacement requires a fundamental change to the forms of capital and the composition of workforces in low productivity sectors. It means a full reshoring of domestic production capacity and severe limitations on employer’s arbitrage, eschewing ideological nonsense related to free markets and free trade. This is a project beyond the limitations of a presidential administration and probably beyond the means of the American political system which ordains significant limits on the ideological capacity of leaders to enact finalising change. FDR was the last to really do this, and the New Deal was a compromise.

Immigration, demographic replacement, national resurgence. These are sideshow caricatures compared to the ultimate desire of emerging and established political elites – control of the public sphere. Forms of statecraft that we see around us are aimed toward such control. Tech magnates build private fiefdoms that monitor their users 24/7. The CIA and NSA (as revealed through the Snowden revelations) are collectors and users of metadata and private information (making the Stasi look liberal). Everything is geared toward controlling and empowering their narratives. These are the production of an innate, all-encompassing enemy such as terrorists who hate us for our freedoms or rogue actors who drop a nuclear bomb at any time. As Iraq showed, the intelligence doesn’t even need to exist to produce an enduring enemy of global democracy and human rights. Every time one is toppled, a new one emerges to take its place. Hussein and Islamic terrorism replaced the Soviet bloc and communist threat. Qaddafi, Asaad and the Arab Spring replace them. Then came ISIS, a branding opportunity better than Al Qaeda for perpetuating an amorphous threat. Then came Russia and finally Iran. And don’t forget ISIS have re-emerged thanks to recent terrorist attacks targeting Jews in the West. Finally, within this sits the ever-present potential of far-right domestic terrorism (stretching from the Oklahoma City bombing to right-wing accelerationism).

Controlling the narrative means maintaining power relations as they are. The construction of myths and memories that centre elite power as a natural aspect of societal relations. To think of it in a Nietzschean sense, it is the ossification of a dominant will that expands and absorbs counter-narratives and alternative structures of societal organisation. As to why, it means control of the distribuendum, through which wealth extraction, capital expansion and political arbitrage can occur. Sam Francis describes the facets of the managerial revolution of the 20^th century as the massification of society where “the relationship between its mass membership, which holds a formal right of control, and its elite, which exercises substantive control”[2] becomes separated and dispersed. One of the key aspects of industrialism and post-industrialism has been separation of geographic control from the flows of capital, labour and money. Logistics and its schizophrenic upheaval of temporal understanding create a break between a legible politico-economic system of semi-localised exchanges and production relations to an entirely international affair. There is no direct controller, but nor is there a pure anarchy of market or logistical relations. The political and economic are largely analogous, routing through each other in a logistical interplay of networks combining and scaling upward.

The competition state, the privatisation of infrastructural power (so much as privatisation is primarily a means public-private regulation through shared governance structures premised upon collibration[3]), the elimination of the public-private distinction as an anachronism. Our political and economic forces are logistical, set up to facilitate logistical flows across national and international infrastructure. National consciousness, populist revolt or escape/secession are anathema. To remain in the shadows or act as a counterweight is to be illegible to a set of systems that require full surveillance and intrusion. This is why narrative control, control of the public sphere, is so important and requires the instantiation of logistical power into networks and structures it has not codified, to both destroy and co-opt.

A multi-institutional politics or intra-competitive networks[4] where “if there are large-scale, history-defining criminal conspiracies that exist in the world we live in, there are networks of mutually reinforcing social institutions, organizations, and groups that defend the official, authorized accounts of ‘what actually happened’ from ‘conspiracy theories’ proposed by people labelled as ‘conspiracy theorists’”[5]. Conspiracy theories are counter-narratives that displace official knowledge and question the constituted “epistemic authorities”[6], interlocking networks of shared ideological connections that are empowered to maintain logistical and communicatory flows. This goes beyond the means of a state or a military-industrial complex into the entangled and contradictory nature of global governance itself. As I said, there are no central controllers, only narrative production and their countering and obfuscations. Epistemic authorities are narrative enforcers given their expertise and selection criteria. Their proper constitution is a matter of the power behind them rather than any factuality.

Anything that questions or unsettles power is a conspiracy theory, irrespective of the evidentiary basis for it. Conspiracies abound in the networked politics of logistical operations. Operation Gladio being a prime example of the operational format. Undermining left-wing opposition in Europe and raising the spectre of an all-encompassing communist threat through a strategy of constant tension. False flag terror attacks organised indirectly by intelligence and military agencies the purpose of which was to maintain the political status quo and make sure the vested interests (American military power, corporate centralisation and the disempowerment of labour within economic relations) remained unquestioned by delegitimising opposition to them.

The basic tenets of Operation Gladio (a strategy of tension) have not gone away. Ideological goals and societal organisation have evolved to encompass new cultural and economic narratives, specifically the ubiquity of globalisation and the liquidation of labour power as workforces become as transitory of other logistical flows. Greater levels of social abstraction require equally abstract and liquid enemies. Thus Islamic terrorist branding through ISIS and Al Qaeda, both amorphous organisations whose only criterion for declaring terrorism is the declaration of the actor that they are doing this on behalf of that group.

“A nebulous global terrorist organisation is perfect. You have to spend billions just to find them. They are adaptable and mobile; they can be inserted anywhere you choose, depending upon your geopolitical aims; they are ideal for operating a ‘strategy of tension’ and can easily be inserted within your own state to bring the population to heel; the potential narratives you can weave around them are endless and can justify anything from shutting down freedom of speech to setting up secret courts; most importantly the potential profit margins are limitless, simply step up the killing and you’ll be given plenty of cash by a terrified public”[7].

It’s about demoralisation of the public so that globalised flows of information continue unabated. By providing the pretext for mass surveillance and state intrusion into disinformation and online activity, a full-scale spectrum of narrative control can be formed that removes dissidents from official channels of approved communication, elevating the epistemic authorities. When one of the greatest disruptions to global logistics occurred with the coronavirus pandemic, ISIS themselves derogated from terrorism in the name of the established covid narrative[8].

Cultural narratives follow the same track in supporting the functioning of globalisation in a post-national environment. Nationalist sentiment that wants to be a bulwark against global flows of capital, wealth and labour and act as a counter-narrative to political elites obsessed with the other as primary recipients of patronage is to be discouraged and treated as an enemy. Classified as terrorists in the most extreme cases, it is otherwise disparaged as troglodytic racism to suggest that immigration should be halted or reversed and that a nation’s primary duty is to its native, historically-established population.

This expresses itself through the multicultural project and its pet obsessions of anti-racism and anti-Semitism and the concurrent support of Israel as the Jewish state. Political elites, stocked with Zionist Jews and social engineers, have taken these tenets as ultimate truths that require the transformation of societal organisation to de-homogenise White European countries. Their histories are altered, any sense of autochthony removed in favour of a narrative defining these countries as innately multicultural and deracinated.

“When Whites object to the presence of non-Whites, this is a sign that Whites are beginning to act in their own interests and may challenge Jewish power too. Accordingly, Jews have sought to pathologize White autophilia, or ‘self-liking,’ and promote allophilia, or ‘love-of-the-other.’ This is why Whites are urged to celebrate mass immigration by non-Whites and to subsidize high non-White birthrates. Even better, from the Jewish point of view, is White passivity in the face of non-White criminality. If Whites don’t defend themselves when they are being actively harmed by non-Whites, this is a further guarantee that Whites will not challenge Jewish power”[9]. When you have an elite either infiltrated by or highly influenced from Jewish individuals and Judaic narratives, insulation is required so that obscure centres of power remain obscured within widespread networks and global institutions. However, the mask does come off in cases like those of Barbara Roche[10] or the neoconservatives around the Project for a New American Century. People with dual loyalties who unsettle and disperse the sovereign authority of native people in their own nation.

Pax Judaica as an adjunct and displacement of Pax Americana. The privileging of Jewish Zionist interests in national and international decision-making. The elevation of lobbies[11] and think tanks to become epistemic authorities on matters of anti-Semitism, hate speech and the regulation of dialogue. A new strategy of tension is emerging that emphasises the threat of a monocultural backlash and a turn against internationalism. Any opposition forces that express scepticism toward supporting Israel or the supposed prevalence of anti-Semitism are to be condemned. Just look at what happened to Jeremy Corbyn or the use of anti-terror legislation against pro-Palestine protestors (something backed by the Israeli embassy[12]). We have a national media in hock to Israeli interests because of the influence they wield[13] in these lobbies and intra-competitive networks. We have national strategies to further restrict free speech in the name of combatting anti-Semitism[14] despite it being largely a non-problem. The definition of anti-Semitism has to be spread so wide so make the problem seem larger.

“Regardless of all this, findings from the JPR show that while strong antisemitism remains relatively uncommon in the UK, the odds of Jewish people encountering neighbours with at least one antisemitic idea remain worryingly high”[15]. What antisemitic idea can this be? Definitions become vague because they don’t really matter. All that matters is the accusation’s power to proscribe your speech and remove you from communication platforms and political dialogue. This is evident from the IHRA’s definition of anti-Semitism and its widespread use by groups like the Community Security Trust and Board of Deputies (both there to serve Jewish interests in Britain). The recording of antisemitic incidents uses this definition[16], meaning the suggestion of collusion amongst Jews on behalf of Israel or comparisons of Israeli actions to the Holocaust are antisemitic. The statistics of hate incidents mean nothing. Other so-called hate incidents descend into farce. “Small acts: Anti-Israel graffiti in Jewish neighbourhoods. Refusals to serve Israelis in restaurants. Media reporting that dismisses or ignores Israeli realities. Social media posts decrying Israel as a racist, ‘settler-colonialist’ state. Calls to ‘Globalise the Intifada.’ Rejections of applications for scientific collaboration with Israeli universities or academics”[17]. This is laughable if it didn’t feed into national and international strategies for restricting speech and curtailing national sovereignty in the name of Pax Judaica.

Groups like the Institute for Strategic Dialogue, “a NATO state-funded information warfare operation”[18], have implanted themselves as a key epistemic authority in suggesting responses to hate incidents and so-called terrorist attacks. Their report, Narratives of Hate, relies on classifications of hate incidents that are “borderline in nature”[19] and require a conflation of Zionist with Jew. Mainstreaming Digital Human Rights[20] is a report full of vague assertions, unevidenced connections between online and offline activity, and a desire to prosecute not only overt but grey-area antisemitism as well. Among the experts interviewed (selected based on pre-existing stakeholder relationships and desk research e.g. Google searches), none countenance vague or ambiguous accusations of antisemitism against the potential ramifications for free speech if the suggested hate speech laws are implemented fully. The main conclusion of the report should be that antisemitism isn’t a major issue, and that the presentation of online antisemitic events (that entirely lack description or analysis) fails to move beyond the so-called grey area that, as the authors say, is entirely legal.

Instead they recommend draconian policies that serve to criminalise speech and remove any substantive criticisms of Israeli actions or Judaic ideologies. “The full toolbox of responses should be engaged to tackle online antisemitism, including effective enforcement of Terrorist Content Online (TCO) obligations”. In other words, label so-called antisemitic content as terrorist-affiliated, thus further including security services in the aim of combatting hate. This is the strategy of tension in action, where terrorism becomes a catch-all for anti-Israeli attitudes and a desire for national sovereignty that is independent of foreign concerns (whether Jewish, Muslim or any other). The desire for autonomous sovereignty and anti-globalisation becomes coded as antisemitic and therefore an indicator of terrorism or criminality. “It serves these supremacist interests to fear-monger about ‘anti-Semitism,’ conflating that projected blood libel against millions of people who merely want to stand up for Palestinian human rights, American sovereignty, or their own economic self-interests over subservience to Israel, etc.”[21]. The ISD is just one such interest along with the CST, ADL and World Zionist Organization – projecting parochial, supremacist attitudes of Jewish dominion as a global concern alongside other shibboleths (anti-racism; hate speech; the War on Terror) that become internationalised amongst political elites.

Considering the links between Israeli intelligence created security firms, pre-crime reporting and their need for mass-shooting/domestic terrorist events[22], it becomes more worrying that calls for restrictions on speech with specific actions related to antisemitism are growing more prevalent, particularly during a time that Israel is losing support from its traditional donors in America and Europe for its barbaric colonisation and decimation of Gaza (alongside its carving up of the West Bank). Israel has plugged itself into the tech fiefdoms mentioned earlier through its intelligence connections via Unit 8200 and investments in Israeli startups that have come from that to the larger Epstein network’s cultivation of tech elites through patronage. Pax Judaica is carving out its own sovereign space amongst the growth of technological capital and digitisation alongside loyal coteries of billionaire hedge fund managers and financiers who act as foreign lobbyists (Ackman, Ellison, Fink, etc.) that help shape the political narrative around Zionist interests, putting them centre stage in discussions of America First or national populism and thus co-opting them as useful idiots for Israel.

In relation to the multicultural narrative and the reverse colonisation of England, “the policy has never been about labour shortages or compassion. Its purpose is demoralisation. It is to make the native English doubt their own continuity, to accustom them to fear, to make them grateful for mere survival. Every atrocity that goes unpunished, every crime anonymised in the name of ‘community cohesion,’ is not a malfunction of the system but part of its design. You cannot enslave a confident people; you can easily govern one that is frightened and guilt-ridden”[23]. There are foreign interests that are influencing and directing the forces of national sovereignty and globalisation to their collective wills. A postmodern statecraft of increasing chaos and narrative dispersion is evolving in the context of an evolving and decaying American empire, with Zionist interests growing within this desiccation. Pax Judaica, with Israel as the centre of new capital and logistical flows – a full-scale surveillance state plugged into the emerging digital matrix and at the cutting edge of pre-crime targeting, terrorist subversion and narrative control. Israel is more than just a nation, it is a network of billionaires, public-private intelligence agencies and global lobbies that are nomadic in nature. They espouse narratives designed to curtail national sovereignty and neuter counter-narratives/counter-elites. This new statecraft can be seen in the growing use of false flag terrorist attacks[24] and their increasing use as a pretext for global regulation of private communications and the integration of news and social media into a technological-security-industrial complex.

[1] https://attackthesystem.com/2025/05/25/project-2025-and-the-rise-of-techno-autocracy/

[2] Samuel T. Francis, Leviathan & Its Enemies

[3] https://www.econstor.eu/bitstream/10419/43732/1/152565922.pdf

[4] https://collapsepatchworks.com/2020/04/04/intra-competitive-networks/

[5] https://propagandainfocus.com/the-conspiracy-label-as-a-tool-of-propaganda-part-ii-the-multi-institutional-politics-of-the-santa-claus-conspiracy-and-911-truth/

[6] https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/episteme/article/abs/radically-socialized-knowledge-and-conspiracy-theories/C20FFA7670B3815F3AA9D0482DB24EB0

[7] https://iaindavis.com/islamist-extremists-proxies-of-the-west-part-1/

[8] https://off-guardian.org/2023/08/16/isis-are-back-and-theyre-faker-than-ever/

[9] https://www.theoccidentalobserver.net/2014/12/11/architects-of-annihilation-oligarchy-and-oligolatry-in-the-modern-west/

[10] https://www.theoccidentalobserver.net/2016/03/11/roche-motel-revisited-the-comfort-of-an-atomized-society/

[11] https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/opendemocracyuk/pro-israel-lobby-in-britain-full-text/

[12] https://thegrayzone.com/2025/05/27/israeli-interference-uk-protests/